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Inside The Child Psychology Driving Michelle Goldberg And Other Leftists To Angry Tears Over Twitter

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Leftists are, as a rule, psychologically simple creatures, animated by easily identified, unsophisticated emotions and thought patterns. That fact explains the reaction seen to potential changes in Twitter, the default platform for national political debate.

New York Times columnist Michelle Goldberg wrote an entire piece last week explaining her hope that should billionaire Elon Musk prove successful in purchasing Twitter and subsequently dismantling the pro-censorship structure that governs it now, he will effectively render it unusable.

“I have a shred of hope … that if Musk makes Twitter awful enough, users will flee, and it will become less relevant,” said Goldberg. “I’m usually wary of arguments that declining conditions are a catalyst to progress. … I’m going to make an exception for Twitter, though. The best thing it could do for society would be to implode.”

Despite admitting that she, like other influential figures in the corrupt national media, is a highly engaged user of Twitter — “it’s useful for my job” — Goldberg cheered for its demise in the event that new ownership moves the platform in a direction more open and tolerant of views and activity she doesn’t like. “Musk’s politics are shaped by a fondness for trolling and a hatred of wokeness, and he’s likely to make the site a more congenial place for racist demagogues and conspiracy theorists,” she added. “Given Twitter’s outsize influence on media and politics, this will probably make American public life even more fractious and deranged.”

There are a few different psychological tendencies at play here, but nothing more complex than the standard foul mood a child experiences when he’s been told to share, or the word “no.”

By asserting that Twitter is only valuable and worth existing when the left determines who can say what on the platform, Goldberg is exhibiting what three scholars in 2020 called the “sour-grape effect.” Hallgeir Sjastad of the Norwegian School of Economics, Roy Baumeister of the University of Queensland in Australia, and Michael Ent of Towson University described that phenomenon as “a systematic tendency to downplay the value of unattainable goals and rewards.”

Because Goldberg feels that she and her political allies are hopelessly failing on Twitter — namely, in retaining power to censor political dissent or alternative information she opposes — she maintains that the platform isn’t that good anyway. Musk has never publicly said he would diminish the voices of journalists such as Goldberg, but by removing her preference for censorship of others, she would have her readers convinced that Twitter’s value would be cheapened, if it were ever truly worth something (the place she visits and uses daily).

Goldberg also predicted that a Musk-owned Twitter could attract new users, “but at the price of repelling others.” By “others,” she of course means people like her.

Ryan Bailey and Jose Pico, two doctors of family medicine, published work earlier this year on “primitive defense mechanisms” in individuals, one of them being avoidance, or “keeping away from people, places, or situations associated with uncomfortable thoughts or feelings.” True, most people would understandably rather not willfully submerge themselves in unpleasant environments. But we’re not talking about a smelly restaurant or a long road trip with Goldberg. We’re talking about a place where, in a democratic republic, opposing points of view can be considered and confronted. A place where alternative information or even new opinions that challenge the professional consensus can be shared by everyone. Pursuing and grappling with such an environment is an activity formerly known as “journalism.” Now it’s something the left instinctively opposes on a base psychological level.

Lastly, consider how truly angry the thought of loosening its grip on Twitter has driven the Goldbergs, to the point where they use words such as “destroy.” They never seemed truly happy having their power, but that’s another phenomenon of the mind, something called loss aversion, described by behavior economist Dr. Shahram Heshmat as “an expression of fear” related to a tendency by individuals to “focus [more] on setbacks than progress.” In essence, Goldberg enjoyed enough being on the side of the current pro-censorship Twitter, but she has far more hatred for the idea of that side losing its status. And thus she ended her piece with this: “Twitter can’t be saved. Maybe, if we’re lucky, it can be destroyed.”

If I can’t have Twitter, no one can.

All of this is to say the hysterics and drama over Twitter and new ownership aren’t because there’s a legitimate fear of “the spread of misinformation” or a worry that “ultra MAGA Republicans” will take over. It stems from the emotional, child-like mentality of liberals who can’t tolerate coexisting with the other half of the country.


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This Energy Company Escaped Corruption Charges Under AG Kamala While Bankrolling Democrats

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When Vice President Kamala Harris was California’s attorney general, her team found evidence of corruption after the closure of a nuclear power plant left customer ratepayers to cover the multibillion-dollar settlement bill. Harris was criticized for failing to prosecute. Now, The Federalist has reviewed financial records revealing that the company operating the plant had been giving hundreds of thousands to state Democrats when Harris decided to look away.

The San Onofre Nuclear Generating Station permanently shut down in 2013, following a radiation leak the previous year. The settlement originally left customers with 70 percent of the financial burden, or $3.3 billion. And it left 3.6 million pounds of nuclear waste on a popular California beach. 

As attorney general in California, Harris’s team uncovered evidence of a secret meeting between an executive of Southern California Edison (SCE) — the primary owner of the nuclear power plant — and the then-president of the California Public Utilities Commission (CPUC) to apparently draft the settlement. But as Harris was running for U.S. Senate in 2016, the investigation seemingly began to trail off.

Democrat then-Gov. Jerry Brown — who appointed members to the CPUC and endorsed Harris’ bid for Senate in 2016 met with an SCE executive in 2013, according to the San Diego Union-Tribune. Later that year, SCE funneled $54,400 to his reelection campaign, state records show. Evidence later revealed another SCE executive secretly met with the then-CPUC president in Poland in 2013. This SCE executive had been a long-time contributor to the campaign

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My First Trump Rally Was One Of His Last, And It Lived Up To The Hype

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The first time I saw Donald Trump in person was at the Cleveland debate in 2015 when he mocked Rosie O’Donnell as a “fat pig,” “dog,” “slob,” and a “disgusting animal” following a question from Megyn Kelly. I then stood at the Capitol and watched him take the presidential oath 18 months later.

Trump is obviously one of the most unique figures to ever lead the country, and I had only seen Trump one other time — when he spoke at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC). But I had never attended one of his signature rallies, characterized by NBC as “a key fixture of America’s political landscape for nearly a decade,” with more than 900 such events since the notorious golden escalator ride at Trump Tower. While browsing his events page Sunday night, I saw he was going to speak at a Pittsburgh stadium three hours from my home in Columbus, Ohio. Trump said in September he will not run again if he loses, so the rally was my last chance to hear him as a candidate.

I went to Pennsylvania less as a reporter and more as a spectator. With just hours to go until polls close, no one needs another column on how Trump says “X” about “Y” at another swing-state event, and I didn’t even bother with a press pass. Mystifying politicians is obnoxious and lame, but there’s an element of historical significance to Trump’s rallies worth acknowledging. After all, his crowd sizes were arguably one

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Ballot Scanners Stop Working In Deep Red PA County, Cause ‘Unacceptable’ Delays

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Election Day is not going smoothly in Cambria County, Pennsylvania. The morning started with the Republican National Committee (RNC) naming Cambria as one of the counties that blocked Republican poll observers from entering polling places. It was resolved with RNC intervention.

And before the first brew of coffee was cold, there were reports of voting machines not scanning ballots.

The Cambria County Board of Commissioners, which is also the Board of Elections, released a statement confirming a software malfunction in the county’s electronic voting system was preventing voters from scanning their ballots.

The polls normally close at 8 p.m. EST on Election Day, but the board sought a court order to keep polls open longer, which was approved by the Cambria Court of Common Pleas. Polls will be open until 10 p.m. in Cambria County, but ballots cast after 8 p.m. will be cast as provisional ballots.

The Pennsylvania state and Cambria County Republican and Democrat parties joined the board of commissioners in the court request.

The county board of elections said people can still cast their vote.

“This should not discourage voters from voting at their voting precincts,” a statement from the board said. “No one should be turned away from the polls if they wish to cast their vote.”

From Johnstown, PA. All the flash drives on the ballot counting machines need to be replaced in Cambria county. They’re not counting the votes. Source Dave Luciew: pic.twitter.com/bdxOkqpaaw

— John Luciew (@JohnLuciew) November 5, 2024

The

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